In this century, we have committed
ourselves repeatedly and. wholly to the
principle that each country in this hemisphere
has the right of self-determination. This
carries with it inseparably the right of revolution,
and imposes upon us the obligation
to live with the revolutions, when they occur,
as best we can.
Beneath these large generalizations and
abstractions, there is the substantial fact
that in this century, which is seeing the
awakening of the submerged masses of
mankind, the old style of imperialism and
over lordship is not only morally unacceptable
but is practically impossible. To put it
specifically and bluntly, the "United States could
not install a puppet to govern Cuba in place
of Dr. Castro and his revolutionists. The
United States must, therefore, do what it
can to keep on good terms with Dr. Castro
and his successors.
There are those who think differently.
They see Dr. Castro going far to the left in
the company of a number of fellow travelers
of the Communists. They think the way to
deal with what they see is to denounce Dr.
Castro who tolerates and associates with
fellow travelers as himself a fellow traveler
and virtually a Communist. What good will
it do, I would like to know. The result of
such tactics will not be to cause Dr. Castro
and the fellow travelers to abandon their
revolutionary program. It will be to cause
them to regard us as their enemy, and to
become as thoroughly anti-American as they
dare to be.
The wiser course and the more practical
one is to be patient and relaxed—to remember
that Cuba is our nearest neighbor and is
far beyond the reach of the Soviet Union.
Remembering this, we can rely ultimately
on the high improbability that Cuba will
drift or be pushed and pulled into the
Just as it was a great mistake to treat
Egypt under Colonel Nasser as a Soviet
satellite, so it would be an even greater mistake
even, to intimate that Castro's Cuba has any
real prospect of becoming a Soviet satellite.
For the thing we should never do in
dealing with the revolutionary countries in
which the world abounds is to push them
behind an iron curtain raised by ourselves.
On the contrary, even when they have been
seduced and subverted and are drawn across
the line, the right thing to do is to keep the
way open for their return.
[From the Portland Oregonian, July 15,
CUBAN REVOLUTIONISTS ADMIRE ABE LINCOLN (By Ralph McGill)
HAVANA..--There is a certain excitement in
meeting and talking with revolutionists,
who, a few short months ago, had prices on
their heads. It is especially so when they
are attractive, well-groomed young ladies
holding sedate positions such as secretaries
to ministers of government. Not so long
ago they were rifle-carrying members of
mountain guerilla forces. It is somehow
unreal to quit the presence of an intense
young professor of sociology who has but
recently shaved off his Castor beard and cut
Persons who have shared a great and
common danger and made common sacrifices
have lived on a plateau which will make the
rest of their lives seem relatively prosaic.
Castro's revolution is a young one in time
and in the ages of most of those who were
The revolution has not yet settled down.
It is still emotionally in the air. But let
none think it will wither away. Castro has
started something which will go on no
matter what happens to him. And not
merely here, but in Latin America. Those
who made the revolution believe that, and
are impatient, with all the impetuousness
of youth, that others cannot see it as plainly.
They resent most strongly the charges
that there is communism in it.
This comes out, sometimes quietly, but
often strongly. Like, for example, in the
office of Revolucion, the underground
paper for which some men and women gave
their lives to print and distribute. It now
is a daily.
Euclides Vasques Caudela was a professor
on the faculty at the University of Santiago
de Cuba. He is perhaps 32 years old. He
fought in the mountains and down into the
valley about Santa Clara where the fighting
ended with Batista's flight. He now is
sub- director and editorialist for Revolucion.
"I hope," he burst out, as we talked, "you
will write that in this office you saw no
pictures of Khrushchev or of Stalin. Tell
them there were just two pictures, of
Abraham Lincoln, and of Fidel Castro." (This
was true. The large Lincoln picture was one
issued by the United States Information
Caudela found some of the small
underground issues of "Revolucion," and also
some of the propaganda employed in the
last months before Batista's flight. It was
entitled "OC3." This trio of symbols
appeared on walls and printed sheets. The
internationally famed magazine "Bohemia"
actually printed "OC3" on its pages. (Later
the editor and publisher went to jail for it
and the magazine was closed.) Clandestine
radios, printed sheets, and stenciled
slogans on walls revealed the meaning of the
"teasers." It meant "Cero Cine, cero compras,
cero cabaret * * * movimiento de resistencia
civica." (No movies, no shipping, no
cabarets ***.) It frowns for example on
the nightclubs which cater to the worst tastes
of tourists. It strongly objects to legalized
gambling and declares that Batista perverted
Havana as a tourist center, bringing gamblers
and the American underworld mobs to run
the casinos. The casinos still operate, but
their gambling tables are almost empty and
when their contracts expire they will go.
Castro stopped, too, the vendors of obscene
pictures. He ended the narcotics trade,
which Batista fostered.
The revolution is relatively abstemious.
Castro drinks mostly beer. Like most
Cubans, their popular beverage is heavily
sweetened coffee, taken seemly every few
minutes in small cups.
"The tourists we want," said one of the
officers, "are those who can come to fish, to
play golf, to enjoy our beaches and our
entertainments. The gamblers are not for
The revolution has heavy commitments
which, viewed objectively, seem almost
insurmountable. The word "economics,"
shaped like a question mark, hangs over the
future. But Castro has started a social and
political force which, whatever happens to
him, will keep going. It needs the United
States, as a partner, to assist it to find the
channel best for both. If anti-U.S. leadership
should prevail, both countries will lose
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, an
Associated Press story of Monday,
August 10, appeared in many newspapers
throughout the Nation. It deals with
interracial violence in New York City.
Ordinarily I would not be greatly
concerned with such violence occurring
outside of South Carolina. The problem is
a local one. I sympathize with the
police, and if I were a relative or friend
of theirs, or, fox- that matter, even a
resident of that State, I would be very
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